New Historicist Criticism: Macbeth and the Power Essay

Stripped of Shakespeargons poetic style and skilful characterization, Macbeth is revealed as little more than a petty tyrant. Like Machiavellis Prince, Macbeth seeks power as an end in itself and sees any means as justified provided it helps him achieve his goal. It is a standard image of power an individual, or sm only group, occupying a space of authority from which he (seldom she) attempts to force his will upon others. Todays equivalent of a feudal monarch is the power-hungry politician, the cult leader, or the ruthless business tycoon. notwithstanding the new historicist conception of power is different instead than being a top-down affair that originates from a specific place or individual, power comes from all around us, it permeates us, and it influences us in many subtle and different ways. This idea of decentralized power, heavily indebted to post-structuralist philosophy (see Derrida and Foucault), is sometimes difficult to understand because it seems to engender an intangible, mystical quality. Power appears to operate and maintain itself on its own, without any identifiable individual actually wor poof the control levers. This new historicist notion of power is homely in Macbeth in the way in which Macbeths apparent subversion of authority culminates in the re-establishment of that same type of authority under Malcolm.A ruthless king is replaced with another king, a less ruthless one, perhaps, but that is due to Malcolms benevolent disposition, not to any reform of the monarchy. Similarly, the subversion of the plays moral order is contained, and the old order reaffirmed, by the righteous response to that subversion. In other words, what we see at the beginning of the playan established monarch and the strong Christian values that legitimize his sovereigntyis the same as what we see at the end of the play, only now the monarchy and its supporting values are even more firmly entrenched thanks to the temporary disruption. It is almost as if s ome outside force carefully orchestrates events in order to substantiate the existing power structures. Consider, for example, a military leader who becomes afraid of the peace that undermines his position in society. In response to his insecurity, he creates in peoples minds the fear of an impending enemywhether real or imaginary, it doesnt matter. As a consequence of their new feelings of insecurity, people desire that their leader remain in power and even increase his power so that he can better defend them from their new II enemy. II The more evil and grave our enemies are made to appear, the more we believe our own aggressive response to them is justified, and the more we see our leaders as our valiant protectors (Zinn,Declarations of Independence 260-61,266).Military or political power is strengthened, not weakened, when it has some kind of threatening subversion of contain ( Greenblatt 62-65). The important point about the new historicist notion of power, however, is that i t is not obligatory for anyone to orchestrate this strengthening of authority. Duncan certainly doesnt plan to be murdered in order that the crown will be more secure on Malcolms head after he deposes Macbeth. The witches can be interpreted as manipulating events, but there is nothing to indicate that they are motivated by a concern to increase the power and authority of the Scottish crown. It is not necessary to believe in conspiracy theories to explain how power perpetuates itself the circular and indirect, rather than top-down, way in which power operates in society is enough to ensure that it is maintained and its authority reinforced. The theater illustrates this point in that the Renaissance theaterits theatre of operations matter, spectacle, emphasis on role-playingdrew its energy from the life of the flirt and the affairs of recounttheir ceremony, royal pageants and progresses, the spectacle of public executions (Greenblatt 11-16).In return, the theater helped legitimate the existing state structures by emphasizing, for example, the superior position in society of the aristocracy and royalty. These are the class of people, the theater repeatedly showed its audience, who deserve to have their stories told on stage, while commons people are not worthy subject areas for serious drama and are usually represented as fools or scoundrels. Revealing the inherently theatrical aspects of the court and affairs of state runs the risk of undermining their authorityif people on stage can play at being Kings and Queens, lords and ladies, then there is always the surmisal that the audience will suspect that real Kings and Queens, lords and ladies, are just ordinary people who are playing a role and do not actually deserve their position of wealth and privilege. But the very existence of the theater helped keep the threat of rebellion under control by providing people with a legitimate, though restricted, place to express otherwise unacceptable ideas and behavio r (Mullaney 8-9). Within the walls of the theater, it is acceptable to mock the actor playing a king, but never the king himself it is acceptable to contemplate the murder of a theatrical monarch, but never a real one.Macbeth deals with the murder of a king, but Shakespeare turns that potentially subversive subject into support for his king, James I. Queen Elizabeth died without a direct heir, and a power vacuum is a recipe for domestic turmoil or even war. The consequences of Macbeths regicide and tyranny illustrate the kinds of disruption that were prevented by the peaceful ascension to the throne of James, son of Mary, Queen of Scots. The good king of England ( 4.3 .147) who gives Malcolm sanctuary and supports his cause as the just successor to the Scottish crown is an indirect reference to James I. Macbeth is about treason and murder, but Malcolms description of the noble king (147-59), and the stark argument between him and Macbeth, reinforces the idea that good subjects sh ould see their king as their benefactor and protector. Shakespeare was not coerced into flattering his king. There was official censorship in his time, but it is unbelievable that he needed anyone to tell him what he could or could not write he knew the types of stories that were acceptable to authority and desirable to his paying public.Whether or not Shakespeare mat constrained by these limitations, or even consciously recognized them, is not the point the point is that he worked within a set of conventions and conditions which relied upon and reinforced the regime power relations of his time, and so there was no need for him to be manipulated by a government censor looking over his shoulder. If Shakespeare had not know the boundaries of the acceptable, or had not conformed to the demands of power, he would never have become a successful playwright.According to new historicism, our own relationship to power is similar to that of Shakespeares we collaborate with the power that c ontrols us. Without necessarily realizing what we are doing, we help create and sustain it, thus reducing the need for authority figures to remind us what to do or think. Once we accept the cultural limitations imposed on our thought and behavior, once we believe that the limits of the permissible are the extent of the possible, then we happily police ourselves. .